Rogue Populism: The Road Less Travelled
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‘You've got to ask yourself one question. Do I feel lucky? Well, do ya, punk?’—Dirty Harry
We have been staying up late trying to figure out the fatal flaw in the approaches of new Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre and new Albert premier Danielle Smith. From the amount of abuse being thrown at the pair you’d think they were a Van Gogh painting. They must be dong something terribly wrong.
Or not. There are many possible culprits in our search, but we have settled on one highly controversial initiative the two employed to gain power in their respective parties. It would appear that both Poilievre and Smith spent a long time away from the seat of power talking to ordinary people with no connection to the posh set.
They assiduously courted folk who’d been locked up in Covid quarantines and— suspiciously— a number who’d been buying gas that cost almost double the price of a year ago. They listened to voices that rarely get squeezed into the lineup on The National or receive guest editorials in the Toronto Star. Rumour has it they even spoke to people who’d been in the truckers’ convoy last February. Sedition.
They did almost all of this in-person research without using internet trolling as the means of communication. Then they signed up tens-, even hundreds of thousands of new party members by telling them they’d articulate their feelings if elected. And they won.
As anyone familiar with the political game can tell you this populist stuff was a huge mistake. First off, if you want to hold high office in Canada you need to court the Media Party at its HQ in the Ottawa/ Toronto axis. Read the sage wisdom from Andrew Coyne, Susan Delacourt and Heather Mallick.
Next, you must flatter the gods of TV/ radio by appearing on their panels with the bien pensants and agreeing with hosts like Rosemary Barton or Nil Kuksal that Jean Charest was the smart CPC choice. The candidate with aspirations to being elected then must take a cross-section of their opinions, find a middle ground to flatter the press. They must piss on the Trucker Convoy while saying Trudeau was right to hide in a bunker away from the rabble.
Finally— and this is key— you have to steer clear of the “unrestricted information warfare practices” of the new data age. This neither Poilievre nor Smith bothered to do en route to office. When they raised the complaints they’d gained from ordinary voters about the Carbon Tax or the equalization plan they were deluged with constitutional arguments and legal opinions from the 613 chattering class.
When Smith had the temerity to raise the spectre of aggressive new Western sovereignty demands within the Federation you’d have thought she’d said nasty stuff about Anne Murray. Heads exploded in Toronto newsrooms. The tone was “all this populist stuff emulates Donald Trump’s improbable rise to power in 2016”. And when we say Donald Trump in proper Canadian society we are talking about Beelzebub, okay?
Yet here we are today. Both Poilievre and Smith have defied the odds. Smith is forgiving those who didn’t take the dodgy vaccines. Poilievre is laying traps in Question Period for the PM on the Emergency Measures overreach. Naturally, the Family Compact insist that the pair are symptomatic of rising white supremacy in the land. The truth is anything but. Not that it will protect them against the Resistance.
Smith properly divined that her predecessor, former federal cabinet heavyweight Jason Kenny— supposedly the perfect candidate— had lost the faith of his base during the Covid-19 disaster. Intimidated by alarmist health authorities (and their media pals) Kenney was swallowed by events. “The hard truth is,” writes Smith confidant Laura Pentlebury, “the members of this government watched as Public Health in Alberta terrorized small businesses and long-term care facilities into compliance. The ‘lax’ restrictions came at a terrible price to the mental well being of many Albertans.”
What made Kenny’s failure so ironic is that he was Stephen Harper’s man on the ground with immigrant groups in the 905, listening when Liberals took their votes for granted. He helped Harper to 10 years as PM. Yet he couldn’t translate this experience to save his career.
Taking a page from Quebec’s book, Smith— along with Saskatchewan— will not launch legal challenges in Ottawa’s swamp, either. Instead, she will wait for the feds to try to lay their hands on Alberta’s protected grain, guns and energy. Then she will tell them to get lost while inviting them into Alberta’s legal swamp for a mud wrestle that will last five years.
Poilievre performed as the nerd in the coffee shop, willing to listen to people who saw no signs of Climate Change beyond the Carbon Tax and the Green fanatics on CBC/ CTV/Global. He made simple economic arguments in campaign ads— ads that were predictably ridiculed by 22 Minutes. He taunted the fatuous Trudeau agenda of “Do as I say, not as I do”. See: $400K trips to Queen Elizabeth’s funeral.
Keyboard elites are now scrambling to excuse them as outliers. But the municipal elections last week told a different story. Progressives were thumped for the mayor’s chair in Vancouver and Ottawa. School boards were rocked by parents outraged by the #trans #abortion #hateCanada curricula in public schools. Only Toronto did status quo (surprise!)
Outside Canada the same post-Covid backlash has begun with elections of populists in Italy and Sweden plus a likely swing rightward in the U.S. midterms Nov. 8. They all have the same resentments after Covid crackdowns were followed by financial hardships. Or unbalanced outcomes in courtrooms and corporate offices favouring the flavours of the day against everyday folk. The stigmatization of the middle class. Outrageous inflation and interest-rate jumps. 32 pronouns. Dozens of genders.
You’d hardly know this by watching the media & culture community. The great new world order can’t get here fast enough for the refined class. Just topple some statues and take drag queens to Grade 1 classes. Racism! Racism! Racism!
Poilievre and Smith are not steeped in skullduggery. They will make mistakes. The media party will savage them for it. (Smith was pummelled by the policy wonks for previous opinions on Ukraine.) The UCP faces a tough election against a sassy NDP next spring. Poilievre won’t get a crack at Trudeau till 2024— or until the NDP get enough coin to run another federal election.
Nothing is guaranteed in a non-confrontational country like Canada that worships authority. However their fates unfold in the next decade you can say one thing for certain. They have at least met the people they represent on their home ground. They’ve heard the pain and resentment of Covid authoritarianism. They’ve seen through the corruption practiced in Ottawa’s salons.
If Canada rejects them then it will be rejecting itself. And have hell to play for it.
Bruce Dowbiggin @dowbboy is the editor of Not The Public Broadcaster (http://www.notthepublicbroadcaster.com). A two-time winner of the Gemini Award as Canada's top television sports broadcaster, he’s a regular contributor to Sirius XM Canada Talks Ch. 167. Inexact Science: The Six Most Compelling Draft YearsIn NHL History, his new book with son Evan, was voted the eighth best professional hockey book all-time by bookauthority.org . His 2004 book Money Players was voted seventh best, and is available via http://brucedowbigginbooks.ca